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While love is love no matter what, some prefer to date within their own race, ethnicity and even religious or political views. Today there are dating sites for yogis, doctors, lawyers, pet lovers, and of course, Latinos or Hispanics. Many sites come and go, but here are five that have been around for a while and that have different offerings depending on what you are looking for, whether it is a friend or a more lasting relationship—even marriage. All of them have a free feature which allows you to check out the scene, and all of them have paid subscriptions that you can find out about once you become a registered user. This is an online dating site that is dedicated to single men and women who identify as Latino, Hispanic, Chicano, or Spanish. It is built around the mission of making connections.

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Try out PMC Labs and tell us what you think. Learn More. Hispanic females in their late adolescence appear to be disproportionately affected by dating violence, yet the majority of victims never seek out formal services. The purpose of this study was to explore the dating violence and the help-seeking experiences of Hispanic females in their late adolescence. Participants were recruited from a social service agency providing wrap-around services to individuals-and families affected by abuse in South Florida.

Eleven in-depth qualitative interviews were conducted with Hispanic female victims of dating violence in their late adolescence 18 to 24 years of age in English or Spanish.

Experiences with dating violence and help seeking among hispanic females in their late adolescence

A thematic analysis of transcripts identified four major themes: a conflict, culture, and context influences Hispanic couples; b missed opportunities to accessing help; c pivotal moments are needed to access formal services; and d family matters. Although participants had opportunities to seek formal services early in their relationships, formal services were only sought after pivotal moments.

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Families played an important role in supporting or further victimizing the participants. Findings from this study can be used to inform interventions addressing both informal and formal sources of support for Hispanic female victims of dating violence in their late adolescence. DV appears to peak during late adolescence 18—24 years as this is the developmental period when individuals are generally entering relationships with greater seriousness and intensity Chen et al. For these reasons the late adolescence developmental period is an opportune time to direct DV prevention and intervention efforts.

Considerable ethnic and gender based disparities exist in the experiences and consequences of DV during adolescence.

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Hispanic female adolescents appear to be among the sub-groups in the U. For example, according to the Youth Risk Behavior Surveillance SystemHispanic females reported higher rates of physical and sexual DV in the past year Gender and ethnic based disparities for DV among Hispanic females in adolescence may be further compounded by culturally-based gender norms, immigration and acculturation related issues. These factors may serve as additional barriers in accessing social and health care services that can ultimately help identify and address DV Denham et al.

This knowledge is fundamental in developing strategies to prevent, detect, and intervene with this population. Therefore, the purpose of this qualitative descriptive study was to a explore the experiences of DV among Hispanic females in their late adolescence, and b gain an in-depth understanding of help-seeking for DV among this population.

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qualitative research exploring the experience of DV in adolescence has generally focused on late adolescent, college samples. For many college students experiencing DV, ending the relationship was difficult and often took multiple attempts Toscano, Researchers have also described a series of emotional effects that result from DV among college students, including poor mental health, distrust of future partners, and low self-esteem. Few qualitative studies have specifically focused on the experience of DV among Hispanics.

Mexican American adolescents have shared their perspective on beliefs of the causes of DV and have identified risk factors such as substance use, having older partners, lack of respect, and financial issues. They have also acknowledged the role that Mexican cultural norms play in influencing expectations to work out a relationship even when abuse is involved Haglund et al. Another qualitative study comparing Mexican American and European American adolescents found that Mexican American females were particularly at risk for DV based on their experiences and perceptions surrounding DV, as both a victim i.

More research is needed to understand the manner in which cultural values and beliefs of late adolescent Hispanic females intersect with dating relationships and DV. Past quantitative research including Hispanic female adolescents suggests that immigrant status and stronger Hispanic values may be protective against DV for Hispanics, and that engaging in risky sexual behaviors and drug use may increase risk Gonzalez-Guarda et al.

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However, the manner in which these risk and protective factors play a role in the experiences of DV among late adolescent Hispanic females has not been extensively examined through research with this population. Qualitative research that has examined help-seeking behaviors of adolescents who have experienced DV suggests reluctance in help-seeking, with an overall preference for informal sources of help i. It appears that adolescents who have experienced DV anticipate a negative response from the source of help-seeking.

Although adolescents favor informal sources of help, there are other factors precluding help-seeking behaviors for DV. Similarly, some adolescents may decide not to seek help from friends because of the concern of their friend's inability to provide help, due to their own experience of DV Martin et al. Furthermore, perception of trust and closeness between the individual experiencing DV and the informal source of help i. However, it is ificant to note that Hispanic adolescents may not feel comfortable intervening in a friend's DV relationship Ocampo et al. Formal sources of help have been described by Hispanic adolescents as being less optimal due to a lack of trust and confidentiality Ocampo et al.

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Of all formal sources of help, school personnel has been found to be the most common form of formal help-seeking 9. Despite low levels of formal help-seeking, it appears that Hispanic adolescents would be willing to talk to formal sources of help as a supplement to receiving support from informal sources Rueda et al.

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It is important to further explore which factors related to help-seeking may be unique to Hispanic females victims of DV in their late adolescence. For example, in a study with Hispanic immigrant women in the Midwest, authors noted that individuals who had experienced violent relationships were not initially likely to seek help from formal services due to structural barriers e.

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There is a gap in the literature regarding the experiences of DV among other populations such as females that are not in college and other Hispanic sub-groups. Furthermore, although the help-seeking preferences of Hispanic adolescents demonstrates an overwhelming preference for informal sources, particularly friends Ocampo et al.

Therefore, the current study aims to fill in these research gaps and provide recommendations for both prevention and intervention addressing DV among Hispanic females in their late adolescence.

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Researcher used a qualitative, descriptive de to address the study aims. This approach is appropriate when aiming to obtain a straightforward description of a phenomenon of interest Sandelowski, The following two research questions were addressed through this study: a What is the experience of DV among Hispanic females in their late adolescence?

A total of 11 Hispanic females between 18 and 24 years of age that reported experiencing DV were interviewed using a semi-structured interview guide. Participants were recruited from a large social service agency in South Florida which provides coordinated and comprehensive services to victims and families affected by domestic violence, dating violence, sexual assault, and human trafficking.

Recruitment took place between March and March Recruitment flyers were posted at the agency, and advocates and study staff informed eligible participants about the study. In order to be eligible to participate, candidates had to report experiencing dating violence, self-identify as a Hispanic or Latina female, and be between the ages of 18 to Potential candidates seeking services at the agency that were in acute distress were not informed about the study until visual evidence of acute distress was no longer apparent.

Bilingual study staff contacted candidates over the phone or spoke to them in person to provide more details about the study, assess for eligibility, and schedule interviews. Eligibility was assessed by asking the participant's age, ethnicity, and relationship status with the abuser i.

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Interviews were all scheduled at the social service agency where recruitment took place and according to the candidate's preferred language i. The interviewer met with the candidate in a private room and obtained informed consent prior to initiating the interview.

Experiences with dating violence and help seeking among hispanic females in their late adolescence

A semi-structured interview guide was used to explore participant experiences with DV and help seeking. The interview guide included general questions e. Interviews were recorded using a digital audio recorder and lasted approximately 45 to 60 minutes. Interview recordings were transcribed verbatim and analyzed in their original language. Four coders reviewed the transcript ensuring that each transcript was coded by at least two independent coders that were proficient in the original language of the interview. First coders read through the transcripts without coding.

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Once the transcripts were familiar to the coder, meaning units i. Each meaning unit was then labeled using a code. Codes were organized into and sub. Once each coder had identified their and sub- the coders met to discuss preliminary impressions of themes until agreement was met regards to the major themes that emerged and the underlying meaning of these. The coder used NVivo 10 software to assist them with the analysis. Saturation of data was noted by the ninth interview.

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Two additional interviews were conducted at which time saturation was further confirmed. This prolonged engagement afforded the researchers with the opportunity to spend sufficient time in the field to familiarize themselves with the community and phenomena of interest. Second, peer debriefing was used throughout different phases of the research project. Researchers regularly debriefed with one another during the recruitment, interview and analysis phases of the study to share preliminary impressions. Researchers also debriefed with service providers not involved in the research to obtain an impartial perspective on the emergent findings and how these related to their experiences working with Hispanic adolescent survivors of DV.

Finally, researchers relied heavily on the participant's own words to provide thick descriptions of themes,and sub. When in doubt about emergent themes, the researchers went back to original quotes to make decisions about the labeling and description of themes. All the perpetrators were current or former boyfriends. Other demographic characteristics of the participants are presented in Table 1. Four themes emerged from the interviews: a conflict, culture, and context influences Hispanic couples; b missed opportunities in accessing help; c pivotal moments are needed to access formal services; and d family matters.

The themes, along with the and sub supporting these themes, are illustrated in Table 2.

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Participants of this study described their experiences with dating violence to include severe acts of physical, sexual, emotional, and economic abuse. Their stories included many examples of jealousy and controlling behaviors, and numerous counts of intimidation e.

Although participants described forms of abuse that were in-line with what has been reported by women from other ethnic groups, participants believed that Hispanic women were at greater risk for DV than non-Hispanic women. For example, one participant said:. I don't why but it is bad.

Other participants also shared their belief that DV was pervasive in the Hispanic community yet uncommon in American intimate relationships. The conflict and violence in Hispanic intimate relationships were often attributed to machismo. For example, participants from this study reported a great deal of economic abuse, much of which stemmed from the perpetrator controlling the victim's money or goods.

In fact, many of the participants described being in relationships where they made more money than their abusive partner or that their partner was unemployed. This challenged traditional gender roles e.

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The Spanish-speaking participants, all of whom were immigrants, provided additional perspectives on how the context of immigration intersected with DV. Several participants perceived that they were at additional risk because they did not know the laws around DV in the United States and the resources that were available to them at no cost. They also described having negative experiences in their countries of origin when accessing help for DV e.

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Participants were randomized to one of three groups: the control arm, which received standard-of-care well-woman services without access to the promotora; an intervention arm receiving an individual education session with the promotora followed by well-woman screening and access to the promotora during care; or an intervention arm receiving a group education session with the promotora followed by well-woman screening and access to the promotora during care.
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